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:::spoiler [Excerpt] >Bauer’s first betrayal of Social Democracy truly began on the night of March 2nd 1927. > >Acting under orders from a governing parliamentary coalition of Bourgeois parties, elements of the Austrian armed forces - the Bundesheer - illegally broke into Vienna’s armoury, seizing some relatively unimportant rifle parts. > >The significance of this action became clear over the next two months. The break-in provoked a heated debate in parliament whether arms legally stockpiled to protect the Republic should be under the control of Social Democratic authorities. Eventually it was agreed that the weapons should be moved for safe keeping to a secret location known only to the government. > >**In May, machine guns, rifles, bullets and mortars were moved under cover of darkness to a warehouse in Vienna, never to be seen again by Social Democrat members. Over the following years, similar seizures occurred regularly and by the time insurrection had finally broken out, the working class had lost their ammunition, 710 machine guns and nearly 40,000 modern rifles.** > >**The Social Democratic party was not content with simply giving away the worker’s arms. It also undermined their will to resist.** > >Earlier that year the Social Democratic party had held a rally through the small town of Schattendorf, as a counter to one already being held by the Fascist Heimwehr militia. During the rally a barman and his son began shouting fascist slogans at the marchers, who threw stones in return and tried to break into his pub. The publican fired a shotgun, killing two marchers - one a child, the other a pensioner. > >He was acquitted 6 months later and by July 16th, two days after the trial, word of this injustice had spread around the city. In a spontaneous demonstration, workers downed tools and headed for the centre of Vienna to protest. > >A de-facto general strike was called around the city as trams stopped and streetlights went out. A huge mob gathered at first outside the parliament building, later moving down the main street to the city’s high court. Mounted police responded to this by charging the crowd, but they were soon overwhelmed. Protesters charged inside the building and set it alight. > >**Faced by confrontation the Social Democratic leadership tried hard to avoid any further fighting. Their solution was to dispatch the Schutzbund - not to defend the workers but to restrain them.** The armed force of the workers stood between them and the police. As Schutzbund leaders and the Social Democrat Mayor of Vienna urged calm upon the seething mass they were spat and sworn at. > >Finally the protesters dissipated, attacking police stations as they returned to the suburbs. By the end of the troubles, 57 workers, 28 bystanders and 4 police were dead, the credibility of the Social Democrats was utterly destroyed and the hopes of the workers crushed. Months later at the Fifth National Schutzbund, conference delegates would discuss the lessons of July. > >Their conclusion? They drafted a paper called ‘Directives to be followed in case of spontaneous work stoppages for political reasons’ - **effectively a guide to using the workers’ armed forces against a popular uprising.** (Emphasis added.) :::
Quoting Pascal Lottaz & Ingemar Ottosson’s *Sweden, Japan, and the Long Second World War: 1931–1945*, [page 4](https://books.google.com/books?id=eRswEAAAQBAJ&pg=PT18): >Although Japan was Sweden’s largest trading partner in Asia, it was not a vital market, not in comparison to its bellicose neighbors for which, in the same year, 21 percent of imports came from Germany, 16 from the United States, and 12 from Britain respectively. ::: spoiler Additional information [Page 6](https://books.google.com/books?id=eRswEAAAQBAJ&pg=PT20): >Once the European war started, Sweden’s two biggest problems were its dominant position as one of the continent’s largest exporters of iron ore and its geographical position between the belligerents. Iron ore was a crucial primary material for the production of steel, abundant in Sweden’s north, but exceedingly rare in central Europe. That created a sensitive vulnerability for Germany who, by 1939, imported roughly 40 percent of its iron ore from Sweden. Had these shipments ceased, the [Fascist] armament industry would have seriously suffered. In fact, the raw material was so essential to [Fascist] industry that Swedish diplomat Gunnar Hägglöf was convinced that had the iron ore mines been located in the south, Germany would most likely have occupied Sweden for the sake of uninterrupted access. > >Their isolated location in the high north and the implicit threat that should an attack happen, Sweden would destroy these facilities before an aggressor could seize them, provided a strong discouragement to any [Fascist] military intervention, and gave Sweden a bargaining chip in economic negotiations with both sides. Together with Sweden’s exports of ball bearings, the iron ore supply was the country’s most vital “contribution” to [the Reich’s] war economy. Naturally, Britain, once at war with Germany, demanded that Sweden cease all exports, even threatening to attack Swedish mines should shipments continue. Four years later, it was the U.S. chief negotiator who threatened bombing factories and distribution centers in Gothenburg should Swedish exports of iron ore and ball bearings to Germany not end. > >Germany, on the other side, threatened to stop crucial deliveries of coal, coke, and steel if Sweden did not meet the demanded quotas of iron ore exports. Stockholm solved the problem by negotiating War Trade Agreements with Great Britain and Germany (in late 1939 and early 1940), reaching compromises with both of them. All political provisions were, however, highly volatile, depending heavily on the developments of the war. After Germany attacked and occupied Denmark and Norway on April 9, 1940, Swedish trade with Allied nations was cut off to a large extent, which led to even closer integration of Swedish commerce with the [Fascist] “Grossraumwirtschaft” (the [Axis] vision for a continental economic zone). :::
([Mirror.](https://www.researchgate.net/publication/325573522)) >In the 1950s and 1960s, [Roma] were proportionally the subject of considerably more sterilization orders and permissions when compared with the rest of the population – at that time, they accounted for approximately 1.2 permille of the Finnish population. The increasing numbers of [Roma] being sterilized, both in terms of the sex of the subject and the year during which the procedure occurred, can be observed in Table 1. Under the second Sterilization Act, [Romani] women received sterilization orders approximately eight times more often and permissions approximately 26 times more often than did other Finns, proportionally speaking. Likewise, the proportion of men (4 permille) increased slightly as well.
www.bbc.com
I know some argue that it's coincidental as it was used before nazis rose to power, it was not during ww2, they used it on purpose in that scenario.
Tweet: https://twitter.com/mtracey/status/1527359801746853902
I just want to warn anybody looking that you’ll probably want to drink while or after you read this paper. Sample: >Norwegian war children […] When compared to similar cohorts of the general population, […] show higher rates of mortality, suicide, sick leave and disability pension, and a lower rate of income and education.
>According to UNICEF, Sweden has an estimated 9,000 people living with HIV, one of the smallest such populations in the world. Law-enforcement supporters say this demonstrates the effectiveness of the laws. The possibility exists, however, that Sweden’s treatment of all those with HIV as potential criminals discourages many from being tested, so that the actual numbers are much higher.
web.archive.org
(I would be unsurprised if it’s ongoing, but I have no confirmation of that.)
While commerce between the social democracy and the Empire of Japan was modest and constituted only a minor fraction of the overall Imperial Japanese trade with Europe, Swedish export of strategic products, such as steel, ball bearings and different sorts of advanced machinery, proved important for the Imperial economy. Sandviken, a Swedish engineering company, also supplied the Imperialists with piano wire for their machine‐guns, and the social democracy exported pulp, newsprint and certain superior qualities of paper to the Imperialists. The paper tycoon Fujiwara Ginjirō of Ōji Seishi (Oji Paper Manufacturing Co.) in particular often went on study visits to Scandinavia and played a significant role in the Japan–Sweden Society that capitalists founded in Tokyo in 1929, with Prince Chichibu as its official patron.
Stoltenberg is a member of the Norwegian SuccDem party.
Apologies for the Wikipedia link, but unfortunately articles in English are quite lacking on this subject. During the 1940s, the social democracy established more than a dozen of these camps and used them to contain left‐wing activists and certain foreigners. No deaths have been confirmed, but the camps may have held as many as three thousand inmates for most of the 1940s. The camps probably succeeded at terrorizing proletarians into submission, which would explain why the inmate count wasn’t higher.
Even today in most of the so‐called ‘civilized world’, it is normally illegal for somebody to donate blood if he has had sex with another man (and a woman who’s slept with those men can be disallowed, too). As far as I can tell, this fad started in the 1980s, at the height of the AIDS crisis, but I would be unsurprised if it’s older than that. In recent decades, some countries have adopted tedious ‘deferral periods’ as compromises, where somebody can donate blood so long as he hasn’t had sex with another man for several months, but I think that all that these really accomplish in the end is contribute to the stereotype of gay and bisexual men as being sickly. The following is a brief list of social democracies that have prohibited (sexually active) queer men from donating blood: **Denmark**: completely banned until 2020, but [now permissible if the man has been sexually inactive for at least four months.](https://www.pinknews.co.uk/?p=466742) **Finland**: completely banned until late 2013, but [now permissible if the man has been sexually inactive for at least twelve months.](https://web.archive.org/web/20140225215129/http://www.hs.fi/kotimaa/a1386656754006) **Iceland**: completely banned until 2022, but [now permissible if the man has been sexually inactive for at least four months.](https://grapevine.is/?p=10048173) **Norway**: completely banned until 2017, but [now permissible if the man has been sexually inactive for at least twelve months.](https://www.dagbladet.no/60246504) **Sweden**: completely banned until late 2011, [then permissible if the man has been sexually inactive for at least twelve months](https://web.archive.org/web/20120828201740/http://www.socialstyrelsen.se/fragorochsvar/blodgivningforandradereglerfra), and [now if he’s been inactive for at least six.](https://geblod.nu/?p=21327)
>This paper traces the early (1910s to 1920s) development of Swedish eugenics through a study of the social network that promoted it. The eugenics network consisted mainly of academics from a variety of disciplines, but with medicine and biology dominating; connections with German scientists who would later shape Nazi biopolitics were strong. The paper shows how the network used political lobbying (for example, using contacts with academically accomplished MPs) and various media strategies to gain scientific and political support for their cause, where a major goal was the creation of a eugenics institute (which opened in 1922). It also outlines the eugenic vision of the institute's first director, Herman Lundborg. In effect the network, and in particular Lundborg, promoted the view that politics should be guided by eugenics and by a genetically superior elite. The selling of eugenics in Sweden is an example of the co-production of science and social order.
>Social insurance is mandatory for all citizens and determined through a sex‐based social security numbering system, whereby all babies assigned female at birth receive an ID‐number that is distinguishable from those assigned male at birth. **Since no other option than F or M exists, many intersex babies have to undergo compulsory, cosmetic surgical procedures in order to fit into the binary gender system and receive an ID‐number.** (Emphasis added.)
>This article examines the so-called “Nordic model” in action. Using feminist argumentation, the model aims to abolish commercial sex by criminalizing the buying of sexual services while not criminalizing the selling, as the aim is to protect, rather than punish, women. Utilizing over 2 years of ethnographic fieldwork and 195 interviews in Sweden, Norway, and Finland, this article argues that in a situation where the majority of people who sell sex in the region are migrants, the regulation of commercial sex has shifted from prostitution to immigration policies, resulting in a *double standard* in the governance of national and foreign sellers of sexual services. Client criminalization has a minor role in the regulation of commercial sex in the area, and instead, migrants become targets of punitive regulation executed through immigration and third-party laws. Nationals are provided social welfare policies to assist exit from commercial sex such as therapeutic counseling, whereas foreigners are excluded from state services and targeted with punitive measures, like deportations and evictions. My fieldwork reveals a tension between the stated feminist-humanitarian aims of the model, to protect and save women, and the punitivist governance of commercial sex that in practice leads to control, deportations, and women’s conditions becoming more difficult. The article concludes that when examined in action, the Nordic model is a form of humanitarian governance that I call *punitivist humanitarianism*, or governing in the name of caring.
www.theguardian.com
They also amended the Aliens Act last year, to "resettle" all asylum seekers in a "partner country", once one has been found. [[1]](https://www.euronews.com/my-europe/2021/06/07/everything-we-currently-know-about-denmark-s-plans-for-offshore-refugee-centres) Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen (Socialdemokratiet) has previously called for all asylum seekers to be deported to North Africa. [[2] (in Italian)](https://www.ilgiornale.it/news/mondo/danimarca-leader-socialdemocratica-annuncia-chiuderemo-i-1711388.html) Minister of Immigration Mattias Tesfaye (Socialdemokratiet) has stated that his goal is to "prevent all asylum seekers from entering the country". Danish law currently bans any neighborhood from being more than 30% "non-Western" [[3] (in German)](https://www.tagesschau.de/ausland/europa/daenemark-migration-101.html)
>The Sami indigenous group living in Sweden has a long-standing history of a forced assimilation policy, exemplified by reduced possibilities for reindeer herding and restrictions on using the Sami language (Amft, 2000; Olofsson, 2004). > >[…] > >In Sweden the discrimination of the Roma has occurred in several ways. The Roma were prohibited from immigrating to Sweden from 1914 to 1954 (Takman, 1976). The Institute of Racial Biology was established in Sweden in 1921, and compulsory sterilization of Roma women took place between 1935 and 1975 (Montesino Parra, 2002). The Roma children could be forcibly taken into care and placed in children’s homes (Montesino Parra, 2002; Taikon, 1970). Even today there is a stereotype portrayal of the Roma population, and many Roma continue to be a target of discrimination and social inequity (Rodell Olgac, 2006)
> We detail how elites provide policy concessions when they face credible threats of revolution. Specifically, we discuss how the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 and the subsequent formation of Comintern enhanced elites’ perceptions of revolutionary threat by affecting the capacity and motivation of labor movements as well as the elites’ interpretation of information signals. These developments incentivized elites to provide policy concessions to urban workers, notably reduced working hours and expanded social transfer programs. We assess our argument by using original qualitative and quantitative data. > >First, we document changes in perceptions of revolutionary threat and strategic policy concessions in early inter-war Norway by using archival resources. Second, we code, e.g., representatives at the 1919 Comintern meeting to proxy for credibility of domestic revolutionary threat in cross-national analysis. States facing greater threats expanded various social policies to a larger extent than other countries, and some of these differences persisted for decades.
>“Sterilization was an unnecessary price to pay but if you indicated that you weren’t willing to do it, that could have put an end to the sex change procedure…”